نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
عنوان مقاله English
نویسنده English
Introduction: In the contemporary world order, geopolitics defines “space” beyond its physical dimensions, incorporating psychological, cultural, and media elements. Within this paradigm, cinema functions as a powerful “technology of seeing” and a primary instrument of “identity projection,” playing a foundational role in shaping geographical imaginaries and representing national identities. The main structural problem addressed in this research is the profound gap between the geopolitical dimensions of space and the media policy doctrines embedded in the upstream policy documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Despite Iran’s critical geopolitical position in the energy heartland, its ancient civilizational heritage, and its profound geocultural influence in West Asia—which provide considerable potential for establishing cultural hegemony and enhancing soft power—national cinema lacks a strategic and purposeful position within the country’s policy documents. Consequently, the international image of Iran is frequently affected by what this study conceptualizes as “cinematic terrorism” orchestrated through Western media hegemony. Concurrently, Iran’s export-oriented and festival-oriented cinema, often seeking alignment with the Orientalist preferences of Western film festivals, tends to portray a marginal, passive, and crisis-centered image of the nation. This study aims to critically evaluate these structural and discursive shortcomings and propose strategic policy recommendations, informed by successful international experiences, to strengthen Iranian cinema as a driver of cultural influence and public diplomacy.
Methods: This research adopted a descriptive-analytical approach grounded in qualitative policy research methodology. To investigate the subject in depth, a qualitative research design combining documentary analysis and directed qualitative content analysis was employed. The units of analysis encompassed domestic cultural policy documents—specifically the 20-Year National Vision Document and the 7th Development Plan—as well as the thematic and discursive patterns of spatial and identity representation in internationally screened Iranian films. Furthermore, a comparative analysis was conducted of the cinematic policies and strategies of global powers, including the United States (Hollywood), South Korea (the Hallyu Wave), and China (the “Going Out” policy), to identify potentially adaptable models. Data were extracted through a systematic three-stage coding process: open, axial, and selective coding. The findings were organized around three main axes: the discursive axis of Iran’s image, the geocultural axis, and the structural-institutional axis. Finally, a gap analysis model was employed to map the substantial distance between the current state of cinematic policymaking in Iran and the desired state of cinema as an engine of cultural influence and geopolitical capacity.
Findings: The findings indicate that the gap between Iran’s cultural policy structure and international geopolitical requirements operates across three interconnected levels: discursive, structural-institutional, and economic-distributive. At the discursive level, Iran’s cultural policies remain predominantly protective and inward-looking, thereby limiting the geopolitical potential of cinema. The study therefore proposes an “Empowered Iran” discourse that emphasizes scientific progress, technological innovation, social resilience, and the cultural capacities of Shiite geoculture and Persian civilization. At the structural-institutional level, weak coordination between diplomatic and cinematic institutions necessitates the establishment of a Strategic Council for Cinematic Diplomacy and the expansion of international co-productions with allied countries. At the production and distribution level, the findings highlight Iran’s limited integration into global distribution networks and its dependence on domestic state funding. Proposed measures include a national-interest clause in professional contracts and the establishment of a Cinematic Export Fund to strengthen regional distribution and expand the international reach of Iranian cinema.
Conclusion: This study demonstrates that cinema is not merely an entertainment industry but also a critical arena for the reproduction of geopolitical power and the naturalization of dominant discourses. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s cultural influence in the region will remain fundamentally incomplete without the strategic deployment of “strategic cinema.” The primary obstacle is not a lack of artistic talent or technical infrastructure, but structural shortcomings in discursive meaning-making, institutional alignment, and the political economy of cultural exports. As long as the dominant cinematic portrayal of Iran remains confined to a society in crisis, and as long as there is no structural linkage between official diplomacy and cinematic output, cinema will fail to function effectively as a strategic instrument of soft power. Therefore, transitioning from an “industry-oriented” perspective to a “geopolitically oriented” paradigm is essential. A comprehensive “National Cinema Doctrine” should be integrated into the broader doctrine of national power, redefining cinema’s role in reproducing legitimacy, generating cultural attraction, and consolidating geocultural networks. By implementing the proposed policy packages, including targeted funding, geopolitical training for filmmakers, and measurable impact indicators, Iranian cinema can transform from a passive participant in the narrative struggle into a proactive agent capable of shaping a civilized, capable, and authoritative image of Iran on the global stage.
کلیدواژهها English
